Friday, 24 April 2009

Evaluation

The qualitative research project undertaken was to assess whether, and to what extent, society is being manipulated and ordered to behave in an expected manner by the very existence of objects found in everyday society.

The issues of validity and reliability, within the project, were not really a cause for concern, due mainly to the fact that images of people were not the focus of the project and therefore there was little room for manipulation of the subject matter, and the issue of the photographer directly influencing the subject did not arise. One photograph, however, Footsteps in the snow (opposite direction), taken from two differing viewpoints, did highlight the fact that manipulation of the source was possible, albeit accidentally in the instance being discussed. This meant that photographs taken after this point in time were carefully considered, where the framing of the object was concerned, in order not to have any substantial affect on the validity and therefore reliability of the image captured.

Validity and reliability were still an issue, because the selection process for the project, as a whole, meant taking certain elements from the cultural surround and this meant, by default, that other culturally important elements had to be excluded, mainly because the size of the project had to be kept to a minimal photographic collection. The selection process itself was based on objects that formed the larger part of signs within the culture being recorded, but not necessarily in the form of sign that society considers to be a sign, but in the form of objects which have a purpose of instructing society in some manner. The selection process also had to take into account what could be photographed; this became an issue where the photograph entitled Ordering the queue was concerned because this object is normally found in banks and post offices, both of which were off-limits due to security reasons, thus leaving only one possible source for the photograph, which is seen in the image mentioned.

Fortunately, it was possible to obtain a photograph of each of the elements that were selected for the project, all of which were selected by the process of seeking out any and every object that presented itself as a form of instruction; considering the photographs from a reflexive viewpoint, this seemed the wiser way in which to select subject matter for the project and did not appear to have any substantially detrimental affect to the overall project. It was also necessary to be vigilant during the analysing stage of the photographic content, because it was easy to overlook elements that did not readily present themselves in the images captured; this meant that the content analysis of the photographs also took on a semiotic approach as well, in order to get to the true meaning behind what was being photographed and not only to the stage of what society had been taught concerning the objects in the images. This in itself presented some interesting findings concerning the objects photographed and how society has been taught to view something which may have a different purpose to the one they are aware of.

Some of the areas which had little to no effect on the project are those of authenticity and illusion of the subject matter as it is framed for photography, apart from in the one instance already mentioned; similarly, the relationship of time does not really present itself as an issue in this particular study, although within several days of one of the photographs being taken, alterations were being made to the original subject matter by the Council, which means that in a sense the relationship of time should be taken into account when viewing the cultural content matter in the photographs presented, because time has already altered at least one of the sources and the image captured is no longer necessarily a true reflection of the object, although it still remains an accurate reflection of the cultural marker at that point in time.

It could be considered that the photographs merely represent cultural markers within society, and that they cannot be viewed in the same manner as an image of an individual whereby social inequities and ideologies are presented within captured images; however, there is an underlying emphasis on both of these aspects because ultimately it was society that placed the objects and that uses them for the control of the whole of society. In this manner, the objects within the photographs act in the same way as individuals within society, and therefore the issues and aspects of inequity and ideology are presented within the cultural use of the objects photographed. There are clear sources of control inherent in many of the images, and in images where no source of control exists, there appears to be an underlying ideology being voluntarily adhered to, as seen in the Footsteps in the snow (opposite direction) image.

Even though the photographic content is taken in isolation in many of the images, they are understood by society in isolation anyway, so this has not been considered a cause for concern and has not been deemed to affect the results in any way. All of the images can indeed be considered to be copies of reality, which may eventually take on the aspect of ‘myth’ if viewed in isolation to the culture itself, but this is highly improbable, because even without the narrative context, the photographs still maintain a degree of self-explanatory content which is enough, in most instances, to impart the knowledge required to form a substantially sound conclusion about the object within any given image; the narrative context merely allows the viewer of the photograph to explore the meaning, of the image presented, in more depth.

Although this is a very limited study, in terms of its scale, it has proven that society and individuals are ‘ordered’ by the very objects found around them in everyday life, but it has also shown that society itself maintains its structures and orderly society by the very use of these objects. On the whole, this has been a successful project which has explored the many ways, albeit subtle on occasion, in which society is ordered, in an attempt to maintain order where chaos might otherwise ensue.

Friday, 3 April 2009

Critical essay task B

Comment on Validity and Reliability in visual methods and on the Journalistic Image as Visual Sociology.


Validity and reliability in visual methods can be a cause for concern as the possibility of manipulation exists. Manipulation can be seen in the choice of images gathered which may be deliberately selected in order to give a preconceived view of the subject matter. In addition, images can also be photographed deliberately in a way that puts the subject within the image in either a positive or negative light, depending on whether the photographer wishes to depict one aspect or the other. This would mean that both the validity of the images and the reliability of their authenticity would be brought into question. If the selection of images within a visually-based study were selected for their merit and context then this would, by default, bring into question the validity of the study because it would no longer be an accurate measure of the item it was initially intended to measure, which would also bring into question the reliability of the study as well because reliability concerns the extent to which any form of study is valid. By deliberately choosing to frame a chosen aspect, as in the example above, this excludes all other possibilities which may well exist within the subject matter being studied and does not therefore allow for an overall accurate reflection of the subject as depicted within the visual data gathered, which would make it both invalid and certainly unreliable. Validity of a visual image is also affected by the process of external validity whereby the viewer is able to interpret the image correctly and not via a preconceived view which then also allows for misinterpretation which will diminish the validity of the image. (Prosser 1998).

Journalistic images need to be seen in context by the viewer in order to be interpreted correctly. Very often the image that the journalist presents to the viewer is surrounded by text which gives some context to the image. Where the image stands alone and there is no text to allow for its correct interpretation, it then falls to the reader/viewer of the image to be able to place the image within its correct social context by means of the use of prior learned knowledge of the subject matter. An image can only be interpreted correctly if prior knowledge of the subject is already known to the viewer, and therefore that is the only way in which any image can function at the level of visual sociology; the reader has to posses a sociological understanding of all the elements which combine to make the image, in order that visual sociology can be considered accurate to any degree, without this sociological understanding the probability of incorrect interpretation of the sociological facts being presented within a journalistic image may well occur. Sociological analysis of the journalistic image comprises of their evidentiary value, and their sociological meaning; both of these elements are more likely to be understood immediately and within their proper context if the viewer’s background knowledge of the subject is both up-to-date and accurate, otherwise the image could be considered not to have accurate sociological value at all. The knowledge of the subject and the correct interpretation and therefore understanding of the journalistic image is what gives a journalistic image its validity in the field of visual sociology. (Becker 1998: 92-94).


List of References:

Becker, H. S. (1998) ‘Visual sociology, documentary photography, and photojournalism: it’s (almost) all a matter of context.’ In Image-based research: a sourcebook for qualitative researchers. ed. by Prosser, J. London: Routledge: 84-96

Prosser, J. (ed.) (1998) Image-based research: a sourcebook for qualitative researchers. London: Routledge

Friday, 13 March 2009

Order after death.


The graveyard, past and present. The graveyard scene here shows how people are processed after death. The fact that these are obviously old gravestones indicates that the manner in which this practice has been carried out has not altered over the centuries. It could be considered that the graves are lined in rows purely to allow for people visiting the graves to be able to access the graves easier, or it could be so that any limited space is used to its fullest advantage. Other forces in society are at work here, however, because the exact location of burial is not generally chosen by either the deceased or by the deceased’s friends or family members. The local council has the final say as to where a deceased person is put to rest, which indicates that even the deceased are still being controlled by people in authority, and that they have no option but to comply with said request; it could be considered to be the ultimate proof of control or shepherding of the people by those with more authority.

The multiple functions of the chair.


Rows of chairs.



Row of chairs.

The chair, although considered as being an item on which to sit, has a variety of functions. Depending on how chairs are arranged, and in which setting they are placed, dictates their usage. The top photograph here, where the chairs are lined in row upon row in a cathedral show that they are not to be used for the purpose of leisure; they are all facing one direction, and are all relatively closely placed in relation to one another, with no room to stretch the legs for comfort. The chairs are also of a basic structure, wooden and with woven seats making them robust whilst at the same time depicting that they are intended for lots of use. The fact that they face forwards, in the manner that they do, allows the assumption to be drawn that the people, or group of people, using the chairs will be expected to pay attention to someone, or something at the front, and to sit still. The chairs in the photograph below that one, are lined up, and once again as with the chairs in the cathedral they are not connected to one another indicating that they can be moved; but the establishments both have enough authority over the people using the chairs that they will not be moved by default of this authoritarian power that the establishments enforce just by being the voice of authority within each of the two establishments, and not necessarily by word of mouth or any given order. The chairs in the second picture are also in a row, but placed up against a wall, and they also allow for leg-room so that people can relax on them; there is also no focal point ahead of them so that reinforces the idea of the purpose of the chairs, as does the soft comfortable seat and back of each chair.

Recycling containers.


Recycling.

Three separate recycling containers can be seen in this photograph; one for bottles, one for cans, and one for clothing. The size of the containers shows the community how much use they are expected to receive. Each one dictates that only a certain item is placed in to it, depending on its structure and colour, or on written or pictorial information on the container itself. The fact that the slots in which to place the recyclable items are found high up on the containers tends to indicate that they are targeted at the adult population and not at children; adults are being instructed to place items within the containers instead of placing them in their normal weekly bin collection. This shows a certain modicum of responsibility, because it is targeted at adults, and is also a manner in which to persuade people to use recycling areas in order to show others within the community that they are being responsible; this then becomes a self-perpetuating cycle, with control going on at a level that people may not be aware of, nor even be concerned about. Grouping containers together convinces people to consider recycling more than just one selected item from their rubbish, and is a way in which to ensure that more recycling goes on.

Follow the signs.


Male.



Female.



Disabled. This was the only available sign of this nature, but a flash could not be used due to flashback which is why it is slightly darker than it would have been had a similar sign been available for photographing but set in a different location where there was more natural light to assist the shot.



Disabled/male.



Disabled/female.
None of the five signs above indicate that the doors upon which they are found lead to toilet areas. Society has been taught, through intergenerational transmission, that each of these signs mean there is a toilet in the vicinity behind the door upon which the sign/symbol is found. The signs themselves are interesting, because they denote (from the top): male, female, disabled, disabled/female, disabled/male. However, this in itself is a problem, there is nothing to suggest that the ‘male’ sign is wearing trousers, or indeed clothing at all; likewise the ‘female’ sign suggests a dress or skirt, but there is nothing in society that prohibits a male wearing a skirt or dress, and men in many parts of the United Kingdom can be seen wearing the traditional dress in the form of a kilt, which to all intents and purposes when silhouetted would resemble the ‘female’ sign. The use of unisex clothing makes it unascertainable as to which sign is aimed at which gender, and the only thing which allows for people, from the very young to the elderly, to comprehend which each sign dictates, is the socialisation process within any given community. The ‘disabled’ sign, also has inherent problems, since it does not depict that only people in wheelchairs, which is the symbolism of the sign, are permitted to use the toilets found there, in fact it is for the disabled as a whole. The power that the signs emit is seen in the fact that an able-bodied person will seldom be seen entering a predominantly ‘disabled’ toilet facility but will be seen to go looking for the appropriate toilet to their gender, and one that has been set aside for the able-bodied. The last two signs, ‘disabled/male’ and ‘disabled/female’ also present their own problems since they do not indicate males and all disabled people, and females and all disabled people, respectively, but rather they are gender specific signs indicating that a toilet facility for the disabled can also be found at that location; this once again is a meaning that is only learnt through socialisation from a very young age. Genders can be seen to be the issue here, with the two genders being directed to using separate toilet facilities within any given building. One toilet is much the same as another but it is unlikely that anybody within society will break the cardinal rule by using a toilet facility specifically meant for the opposite gender. So, these signs show how authority and control of people is put in to place and followed through the learning process of socialisation, even though a toilet is a toilet, with the exception of the urinal, and could equally be used by either gender.

Gendered toilets.


The urinal, the male domain. [A male member of the Orkney College staff, who wishes to remain anonymous, was kind enough to take this necessary photograph for me]




Female/unisex toilet.




Disabled/unisex toilet.

Are toilets gender-specific? The urinal is most definitely an item made specifically with the male in mind. The purpose of which is presumably ease and speed of usage, because private households do not have urinals in them, in fact they are only to be found within public toilet facilities. Again, as with the signs on toilet doors, this is a process of socialisation which a male child must be introduced to in order to understand exactly what the purpose of the object is. This is the only toilet facility which is gender-specific, and yet there is no reason to have a gender-specific toilet because males are capable of using the ‘unisex’ toilet which they do for the majority of the day. The female/unisex toilet in the second and third photograph, found within both male and female toilet facilities can be used by both genders. The last photograph shows a toilet facility which is not only aimed at both genders but also at the disabled. The blue container which is used for the disposal of sanitary towels is very gender-specific, and once again something which is learnt through the process of intergenerational transmission. Each toilet facility shown indicates that at some level toilets can be used by both genders even if they are found within areas that have been specifically set aside for the use of a sole gender, however, the urinal is not a unisex item, and is therefore aimed solely at the male gender. Authorities and establishments ensure that the genders remain separate and make use of the facilities that have been set in place specifically for their own gender, by the use of door signs which direct the separate genders to a specific location, and further, by the installation of the urinal which can by default not be used by the female gender. The disabled are further controlled, in that they can only make use of a limited number of toilet facilities that they will not necessarily find at the same location as toilets for the able-bodied, which means that they have to go looking for a toilet that has been adapted specifically with them in mind; in a way, it could be considered that the disabled are being segregated to a greater degree, in this sense, than the segregation found between the male and female in this instance.

Personal choice or authority?


Multiple sinks.
This photograph of a row of sinks brings up some interesting points. It has already been established, in a photograph above, that self-contained cubicles that have both a toilet and a sink within them exist. The three sinks correspond directly to the number of toilets within the toilet area where the photograph was taken. It could be to ensure that people do not remain in the cubicle any longer than absolutely necessary and therefore it is a way in which to control the speed of people that are using the facilities, thus ensuring that there is a constant flow with nobody hindering the access of the next user. The point, however, this is unhygienic, because users of the toilets must open the toilet cubicle door, before being able to make use of both the soap container and then the tap facility. It can be ascertained, therefore, that germs will be found on every toilet cubicle door handle. So, is hygiene indeed the purpose behind the row of sinks, each of which could equally have been installed next to each toilet and have been self-contained facilities; or is the purpose merely to make certain that nobody has to wait longer than absolutely necessary for a toilet to become vacant, whenever there is high demand? Having sinks in a row outside the actual toilet cubicle could be considered as a manner in which an authority is ensuring that the toilet users take appropriate measures where hygiene is concerned. By placing the sinks on the outside of the cubicles, however, the authority of an establishment is in fact negating the concept of personal hygiene because germs have already been spread before the user even gets to the sink area. There is also the element of socialisation involved here, making the use of the sinks almost compulsory, whereas if the sinks were located within the cubicles there would not exist any external pressure to use the sink and therefore people may not necessarily conform with the accepted practice of washing their hands after using a toilet. There is a certain amount of authority inherent in placing the sinks outside of the toilet cubicles, and one that is reinforced by the fact that all toilets, that I have so far seen, have a sink/toilet ratio of 1:1, indicating that they could just as easily have been located side by side in the toilet cubicle thus ensuring higher hygiene levels, whilst simultaneously relinquishing any power of control over the user.

Push/Pull


Push to enter through door.

Internal door.


Pull door.

Fire Door


The fire door.
The internal door, seen in the previous two postings, is meant for heavy usage because it has a self-closing mechanism at the top of the door. Usage of the door is also made easier because there is no handle on one side which indicates it should be pushed when being approached from that side; additionally there is a decent sized pane of glass which ensures that people do not open the door in someone else’s face. The middle photo also shows that the door can be widened in order to allow access for large items that will not go through the normal-sized door-opening; the bolts at the top and bottom of the door indicate that those with authority within the establishment are permitted to open the doors wider as and when required, and for the most part only the single normal sized door will be needed to cope with human traffic throughout the day. Aside from the bolts, there is no authority that comes in to play with the internal door, because there are no locks and so forth. In the last photograph above, the ‘Fire Door’, authority and control over the use of the door are extremely evident. Instructions are given on how to go about opening the door; this in itself is an unusual feature because most doors do not have instructions explaining how they open. The fire door is the one door which is not permitted to be opened and used in the same manner as a regular internal or external door. This controlling feature in society is put in place from the age of childhood, and is so effective that even when a fire drill/alarm is sounded many will not use the fire door for the purpose for which it is intended. The authoritarian control over the use of the fire door is so deeply ingrained in to people’s psyche that the original thought pattern has to be overwritten by seeing the door being used in order for people to understand that the fire door may indeed be used during a fire drill; this odd phenomenon has been personally witnessed. The degree of control that exists, in relation to when the fire door can be used and to who is permitted to use it, could be considered a serious safety issue in itself; but since fire doors are seldom used and are also considered out of bounds for everyday usage, it stands to reason that the original ‘rules’ of not being permitted to use a fire door for access will remain as the voice of authority instructing people to find an alternative exit, possibly even during a fire, because in a sense the doors themselves become ‘invisible’ due to them not generally being considered in the same light that other doors are, as points of access in to and out of buildings.

Friday, 20 February 2009

More ways in which society is shepherded and ordered.

The following additional photos portray how society is seemingly ordered by figures in authority, figures found in varying hierarchies of authority. Some of the familiar and seemingly ordinary items to be found in society will be examined, and looked at from a different point of view than what is generally considered to be the more accepted view, and therefore function, of the item in question.

Wednesday, 18 February 2009

Ordered society



This photo shows the degree of order around a housing estate; the garages are all in a row; the cars are neatly parked between the lines in the parking area; the houses are all uniform, going either horizontally or vertically along the horizon; and boundary walls stretch as far as the eye can see. Society is structured to such an extent that houses are seldom found in random formations but rather in linear form, and generally situated in areas that are designated specifically for housing areas. Self-contained mini-societies are found within these areas and they form part of the whole but are also removed from the bigger picture to a certain degree; however, they still follow the rules and regulations that have been set in place by the hegemonic societal structure.

Creels



This picture of stacked creels says something of the person that stacked them, and about the society in which they find themselves. The creels are neatly stacked, possibly for the reason of optimising the space, but maybe also in order to be able to count them more effectively. The fact that the creels are stacked so neatly on the ground is unusual because they will still need to be transferred to a vehicle before they can be taken to the place of usage, in which case the neat stacking is irrelevant, since they will be moved once more before they can be utilised. This area of ground obviously belongs to a fisherman/fisherwoman and is a place for storage of items that are not currently in use. The open area suggests that crime is not a problem, because the creels are not fenced off to the general public.

Post box


Normal red letterbox style, either free-standing or set in to a wall, as seen here.



Although this letterbox shape opening in the wall has the words 'posting box' on it, society normally views a small rectangular slit/hole as a place in which to put mail. The fact that this one has the words on it is even more confounding because it is situated on the outside of a post office and has a stamp machine next to it. This could be ordering people to place their items within the post box should they have the correct postage already placed on the item, and thereby encouraging people not to enter the post office unless absolutely essential; or ensuring they do not bring non-essential items in for processing by the staff, thereby also cutting down the workload that the staff need to deal with. It is noted that the letter box area is somewhat larger than the average red letter box which is found either free-standing or sunk flush in to a wall in the streets around neighbourhoods.

Cycle route



These three barriers are normal of areas that are designed to slow people down. This refers to both pedestrians and to cyclists; this could be because the route adjoins a pavement, as seen at front/bottom of photo, however, there is an adjoining section further along the route, but there are no such barriers to be found there; so it could in fact be indicative of a cycle/pedestrian route. One dividing solid white line is all that 'orders' cyclists and pedestrians to remain on their designated side of the route; with the white symbol at either end of the route indicating which side they are in fact supposed to adhere to. This is not like a normal road system where the motorist drives on the left-hand side, because depending on the direction the cyclist takes the cyclist will end up cycling on the right-hand side of the route. Therefore, cyclists must adhere to a different form of 'order' whilst on cycle routes than they would normally adhere to whilst on the road.

Bike spaces


Low-level cycle rack.



Why are lined up, bent metal structures considered to be bike racks? In all areas where there are metal structures similar to the above, whether they are at ground level or of a decent height as in the photo, they are normally considered to be places to store a pushbike. There are no instructions to indicate that these bent metal rods are for the purpose of cycle storage/parking, but it is a commonly accepted thing in society that where metal structures of this nature are found lined up in a row, they are for the sole usage of the cyclist. The cyclist is directed toward placing their cycle by these structures, even though there is no reason that they need to, and in theory no law to make them comply with this unwritten rule, but where there are cycle racks, then generally speaking cyclists will comply by making use of the structures; even though the structures may not be suitable for the cycle in question.

Barriers



Barrier style indicates something specific; in this photo these are temporary barriers, so they are moveable items. The red and white style of broken paint-work is seen on items that suggest danger ahead, and where caution is needed. It may relate to the way in which society is taught to see the colour red as a danger or stop signal, or it may also be for reasons of visibility. The barriers are high enough to indicate that they should not be climbed, however, they are not solid and they do allow for people to get between the top and bottom should they so choose, although this is never deemed proper in society, and people will normally only ever comply by walking around the area; the white arrow on the blue circular background is a road sign but it is directed to the attention of pedestrians, since it is the pedestrian who is being directed to walk around, and not therefore meant for the purpose of instructing a motorist. In a way, it could be argued that the arrow sign is both irrelevant and superfluous, because the barrier makes it obvious that a pedestrian must walk around, in which case authority is being enforced here; and society is being informed as to what to do, even though common sense will dictate that they would have gone around the barriers anyway.

Traffic circle



Why do the cars go around a flat circle in the road? This vehicle can be clearly seen to have just gone around the traffic circle because the front tyres are still in the cornering mode. Vehicles will go to great lengths to miss crossing the circle even with their back tyres, this also includes large trucks. Trucks will approach very close to the pavement in order to 'go around' the white, very slightly raised circle, even when there are no other vehicles anywhere in sight. This could have been a reaction to having someone crouched, taking a photograph, as the vehicles went by, but this is an unlikely scenario. It is more likely that the larger roundabouts that exist elsewhere, have conditioned motorists to go around the item above; although this would not apply to people that have never driven anywhere but on the Orkney Mainland, so it can only be assumed that it is considered bad manners, or bad driving, if a driver in fact does refuse to go around the circle and instead decides to drive straight over it. This is a point of authoritarian control, where the rules of the Highway Code are adhered to by all motorists; the code is adhered to even when no other traffic is present, much in the same way as using an indicator when there is no other person/vehicle around to inform of a driver's intended action. The rules are so deeply ingrained in to the subconscious of the road user, that they are followed automatically and without necessary forethought.

Crossing point



The zebra crossing. The dotted white lines on the road indicate to the motorist exactly how close they may be permitted to stop in relation to the crossing itself. A safer place to cross the road, and a place where pedestrians are expected to be crossing the road. This also functions at another level; a crossing is the one place on a road where pedestrians know that they will be given right of way, and that traffic will stop if a pedestrian is seen stood at the side of the road. Although this may seem a reasonable and obvious statement, if a pedestrian stands at the side of a road, anywhere else, where there is no crossing point, they may stand there all day and still never be given the opportunity to cross the road. So, a pedestrian crossing serves as instructing politeness in to society, where politeness might not otherwise exist; it is also considered bad manners to not stop and give way to a waiting pedestrian, so there is also a certain degree of behavioural patterning being instilled in to society by the very use of areas that order society to behave in a certain manner, and to 'willingly' comply with the status quo. This is an unusual behaviour pattern, because it is up to both parties involved, both motorist and pedestrian, to stop at this point; a pedestrian will stop here and wait until a driver stops, only then will the pedestrian attempt to cross, even if the road is not overly busy or dangerous. Both parties are showing polite behavioural patterning that allows for society to run smoothly in much the same way that the crossing will run smoothly if these patterns of behaviour continue to exist and be adhered to by all people involved.